Democracy is development
Our life tends to be like the title of my blog - we are always attempting to do so much in a day and say so much in a sentence that it starts bursting at the seams. This blog is an attempt to cover everything I observe from the perspective on an inquisitive right-of-the-center Indian blogger.
"The news of the serial bomb blasts in the capital New Delhi reached me on my arrival in Kolkata after a day's visit to Tripura. I decided immediately that these acts required my presence in Delhi and I cut short my engagements tomorrow and returned to Delhi.
"I share the shock and distress of all those affected by this blast. My heart grieves for those who have lost their loved ones. I condemn the cynical and premeditated attacks on innocent people. These are dastardly acts of terrorism aimed at the people of India."These terrorists wish to spread a sense of fear and suspicion among peace-loving people. These blasts have been timed to create disaffection during the festive season when people of all communities are celebrating our national festivals. "We shall defeat their nefarious designs and will not allow them to succeed. We are resolute in our commitment to fighting terror in all forms. I am confident that the people of India have the will, capacity and resolution to win the war against terrorism.
"I urge the people to remain calm, not to panic or believe rumours and ensure that we all go about our activities normally. The government will take all possible measures to maintain law and order and defeat the forces of terrorism."
"We condemn these attacks in the strongest possible terms. It is a cowardly act of violence and we hope that the perpetrators are swiftly identified and brought to justice."
"We have taken all appropriate security precautions to protect the American people," Mr Bush told reporters. "Make no mistake, the United States will hunt down and punish those responsible for these cowardly attacks."
A terrible, terrible tragedy has befallen my nation, but it has befallen all those who believe in democracy," Mr Powell told the OAS assembly. "I hope we can move the order of business to the adoption of the charter," he said, "because I very much want to be here to express the United States' commitment to democracy in this hemisphere."
The session opened with a moment of silence before representatives of Venezuela, Colombia, El Salvador and Canada all made statements condemning the attacks. "I will bring to President Bush your expressions of sorrow and your words of support," said Mr Powell. "You can be sure that America will deal with this tragedy in a way that brings those responsible to justice." He added with reference to the region that "terrorism, as is noted, is everyone's problem and there are countries represented here who have been fighting terrorism for years and have seen horrible things happen in your countries. It is something we must all unite behind".
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi told the Indian Parliament that he saw the event as having "provided an opportunity for India to assist a friendly country and frustrate an attempt to overthrow a democratically elected government." While the big powers, including the United States, endorsed India's intervention, the world media interpreted the action as indicative of "the scale of its ambitions in South Asia", as Time magazine observed, a confirmation of India's growing role as a regional superpower cum policeman.In Sri Lanka, while the Jayewardene government breathed a sigh of relief that Male's ordeal had ended peacefully, The Island daily observed that "it would be ostrich-like to ignore the fear of small nations of South Asia, about current developments providing opportunities for what has been described as the spread of Indian hegemonism." Time also noted that, there was similar disquiet among India's other neighbours, although the governments of Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal endorsed India's action. Pakistan, however, was critical, even accusing India of having "stage-managed the coup attempt".Indian diplomats and political analysts find such criticism unfair and point to the fact that it was Male that sought New Delhi's help. A.K. Banarjee, who served as India's High Commissioner in Male during the crucial 1987-1989 period, but was out of station in Delhi the day the coup took place, observes that "to the contrary, despite traditional cordial relations, the importance of the Maldives to India was not fully appreciated in Delhi until the coup, and it is the possibility that the Maldives could have turned elsewhere for help that subsequently established Male in New Delhi's psyche".
India's operations in Sri Lanka were not as successful, as documented in this interview of J N Dixit, India's former National Security Advisor & a leading thinker on national security. Dixit was High Commissioner to Sri Lanka from 1985-89, around the same time India sent its peace keeping force (IPKF) to broker peace between the Sri Lankan government & the LTTE. IPKF ended up fighting LTTE, and losing badly. It all ended in the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi a few years later. India's fiasco in Sri Lanka is sometimes linked to US's Vietnam, but reverses in Vietnam never stopped US from trying again.
The inaction & passiveness in recent years has however not resulted in any goodwill for Indians worldwide, as India & Indians continue to be targeted by terrorists. India didn't act even days ago when Maniappan Kutty was killed ruthlessly (whereas an Afghani colleague was let off unharmed) by the Taliban in Afghanistan, in an area where the official government of Afghanistan has little influence.
Before I get to the problem that the Indian voter has in terms of choice, it will be useful to look at how the two major blocks come into being. The Indian National Congress, which has ruled India for much of close to sixty years of Indian independence, for the first time came out of its arrogant stance to form a broad-based alliance for the 2004 General Elections. Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a much younger party in comparison, learnt its lessons early. After the 13 day rule in 1996, it was forced to shed its normally accepted communal image to be able to enter mainstream politics & provide a reasonable alternative to Congress, which had long occupied the center-stage in Indian politics. It was quite a fantastic transformation for the politically ‘untouchable’ BJP to transform itself from a party for Hindus till 1996 to a party for Hindustan by 1999. Moderately conservative leaders like Atal Behari Vajpayee & Jaswant Singh came to the fore, pushing hawks such as L K Advani & Murli Manohar Joshi out of the limelight. The transformation was complete in 1999 when after two aborted attempts at providing stable governance in 1996 & 1998, BJP & its 23 other allies came to power and completed a full term, the first non-Congress government to do so in 58 years since independence.
In India coalitions at both national & state-level have so far been mostly a loose confederation of parties, coming together either just before or immediately after elections & mostly for opportunistic, tactical reasons to assume power. Coalitions so far have normally not been based on ideology, and parties not tied to a common ideology are less likely to stick together through thick & thin. Examples of this abound, like in 1977-80, 1989-91, and 1996-98 at the national level. Opportunistic alliances have been the norm rather than an exception in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous & politically most significant state and also in several other states from time to time.
This is the reason that coalitions in India break down often midway through the term or sometimes immediately after elections if the coalition does not do well enough to get a chance to govern. Notable exceptions to the rule, however, have been seen in West Bengal & Kerala where the coalitions have done well over the years and have stood the test of time. West Bengal has been ruled by a coalition government led by CPI(M) unchanged for close to the last 30 years. A good case in point is also Kerala, where LDF led by CPI(M) & UDF led by Congress are the two major political forces, both stable coalitions based on ideology.
National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was formed by the BJP in an attempt to come over its political untouchability. BJP was able to get strong regional parties to join the coalition once it distanced itself from its core demands of -
BJP recognized these points as extremely controversial & dispensable in the short to medium-term with a view to gain acceptability with the larger electorate & also with other political parties. The 3 core demands of the BJP, and its major election planks, while eminently debatable in terms of their legality and use to the common man, were without doubt chosen with a particular community’s feelings in mind. Shedding these issues made BJP more acceptable to the people, and associating with the BJP was then seen as a lesser evil by other political parties. See ‘tactical voting’ in my previous posts.
Another important reason why BJP found it easy to get allies once it shed its communal tag was that most of its allies, strong regional parties, fought directly against Congress in their respective states. Congress-baiting was where they had common views & it was politically convenient to be aligned at the national-level with a group fighting against Congress, their main opponent in the state. This was especially true in the four southern states, where BJP was virtually non-existent as a political force, whereas Congress was fighting strong regional parties in almost all the states. Congress, on account of being a broad-based national party, lost out in that sense to BJP in the early days of coalition politics as it was still fashionable to be anti-Congress.
Only when BJP was close to completing its term in office that it had started becoming fashionable to be anti-BJP & also by that time Congress had weakened considerably in many states, so it was ok for Congress to agree to be a junior partner to strong regional parties in several states (especially in northern India) and a broad-based Congress-led alliance came into being.
The two major broad-based coalitions, the ruling United Progressive Alliance (UPA) led by the Congress & the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by BJP have matured with time & have come to stay. Regional parties now realize that their options are limited outside either of these blocks. This is evident in the fact that there have been minimal desertions from the NDA even after it lost the national elections. Talks of a third-front have not really gained momentum, and its highly unlikely they ever will, as the parties left out of the two major blocks will be forced to join one of the two or gradually become politically insignificant.
This ‘stabilizing’ of Indian coalition politics, however, is not without its pitfalls. As the two coalitions arrange themselves with broadly distinguishable social & economic goals & policies, and annihilate all other viewpoints slowly but surely in the Indian polity, the ordinary Indian voter would be forced to make a choice between just the two options. This is predicted by the Duverger’s theorem (see the post on FPTP).
The reason why I am really bothered about the gradual consolidation of political viewpoints is not just that I like to have more options. I am also not happy with the two major options that are provided to me.
NDA is a coalition largely made up of Congress-baiters & reformist parties such as BJP, BJD, TDP (outside support), Janata Dal (United) etc. and right-wing parties such as BJP, Shiv Sena, Akali Dal etc. The broad ideology of NDA can be categorized as Rightist Reformist, on the lines of its major social & economic policies. NDA government at the centre was mostly reformist & globalizing & most serious voices against aggressive reforms came mainly from the RSS-loyal leaders of BJP. Though the bias was only moderately right-wing thanks to leaders such as Vajpayee in power, communial bias in case of Gujarat riots is now being investigated.
In contrast, the UPA is largely made up of Congress & non-competing allies (mostly regional socialist parties such as RJD, Lok Janshakti, JMM, NCP & TRS. SP & BSP provide outside support.) apart from a big dependence on the left. The dependence on the left is likely to continue across multiple elections as they are well-entrenched in their political constituency & any political arithmetic for UPA would not work without their support even in the long term. Indeed, the influence of the Left parties on UPA is obvious in the name itself ('Progressive' a word with strong leftist connotations is their middle name). The composition of UPA points to a strong Leftist Secular bias for UPA. Leftist parties are largely atheist, & socialist parties such as BSP denounce India's major religion, opting for Buddhism as their philosophical leader B R Ambedkar did several decades ago. Their social policies are largely anti-reform (euphemistically referred to as pro-poor) and thus anti FDI & anti globalization in general.
As the options available to the Indian voter largely converge to either Leftist Secular or Rightist Reformist, voters with an ideology different from either of the above have nowhere to go. For example, I would have loved to have a government that was Reformist Secular, which was aggressive on reforms, had a foreign policy based on national interest but was secular & faith-sensitive, if not faith-neutral. Somebody else might want to support Rightist Anti-reform, but (s)he too has no choice but to choose one of the two options available. Convergence of political views will provide stability, but is bound to marginalize minority viewpoints. It is important that we provide a democratic vent to these viewpoints & the emotions attaced with them, or else India might be on its way to some more trouble in the years to come.
The disadvantages of FPTP are that it leads to
The disadvantages of FPTP are far too serious & far too many to be ignored any longer. The argument most often forwarded in the support of FPTP is that its the simplest method & any other method of voting would be too complicated for the large illiterate population of the country to understand. However, India's poor & illiterate largely remian disenfranchised even with FPTP either due to caste / religious leaders inciting them to vote for a particular party or due to abstentation. There has been significant debate in some countries whether its time to look beyond the FPTP, especially in the UK. Jenkins Commission was set up in UK in 1997 to propose alternative & fairer methods of voting. The recommendation, however, has not been accepted.
To understand what would be a good alternative to FPTP, it would be useful to take a look at other voting methods, the theory & maths behind them. Voting systems across the world are listed here. Arrow's impossibility theorem (Nobel Prize for Economics, 1972) demonstrates that no voting system can be perfect, as aggregation of a multitude of preferences is always going to result in a degree of irrationality & unfairness.
In India the First Past The Post system has led to the following -
FPTP, the cheapest of the voting methods around today, still costs about Rs. 1000 crores (about US$ 225 million) for a general election. FPTP is no longer fast either, as due to massive criminalization of politics, general elections are often spread over more than a month to manage the logistics of massive armed forces depolyment to ensure free & fair elections. Elimination of extremist views from electoral politics has actually proved counterproductive, as such agenices have now resorted to alternative (almost always violent) methods of ensuring that their voice is heard.
Though FPTP is supposed to lead to stable governments, coalition politics in India has ensured most governments are too pre-occupied with self-sustenance to bother about mundane things like good governance & development. In the last 16 years, India has had 9* governments, only 2** of which managed to last their entire term. Not once did any political party or pre-poll alliance achieve simple majority in 6 general elections since 1989. Coalition governments always pay the 'democracy tax' on their performance.
This shows that FPTP has not been able to provide stability to the nation, has not come cheap & has not been fast. An alternative system, either a variant of Proportional Representation (PR) or a Run-off method of voting would atleast be a lot fairer to the electorate than FPTP and would provide the necessary voice to India's significant minority.
* The 9 governments are those headed by V P Singh, Chandrashekhar, P V Narasimha Rao, A B Vajpayee, H D Devegowda, I K Gujral, A B Vajpayee, A B Vajpayee & Manmohan Singh. Manmohan Singh-led government is currently in office.
** The 2 governments that completed their terms were those headed by P V Narasimha Rao (1991-96) & the third government formed by A B Vajpayee (1999-2004).
Warney & MacGill ensure that RoW is wiped out in just over 50 overs and it is a whitewash.. sad for the concept of Super Series...
The 'Super Series' is finally alive now. Flintoff, Murali & Harmison have set it on fire ! Look out for live action on Set Max !!!